LIST OF ROHINGYA VILLAGES IN ARAKAN (RAKHINE) STATE
Akyab township
- Santouli
- Zailla fara
- Folthon (Plok Taung)
- Bodor Muham
- Amla fara
- Mouloi fara
- Hocái fara
- Nazir fara
- Joltahán fara
- Buhá fara
- Kongsi(Hoñsi) fara
- Ruáinggá(Rohingya) fara
- Bagiza fara
- Furan Fara
- Tonzéingga fara
- Ázimma fara
- Thídh Dúñijja fara
- Walíc fara
- Dúa Mórong fara
- Rwagúng fara
- Muic-háillar Dheil
- Guaillar Dheil
- Hawar Dheil
- Kuáñr fara
- Alisan fara
- Fialicóng fara
- Sakki fara
- Hath-thól boinna fara
- Sánnamá fara
- Pungná cwéng
- Áñdhdhi hóla
- Baazir ará
- Baás sóra
- Cábok fara
- Bodur Dheil
- Misírid Dheil
- Bogar Dheil
- Cícar fara
- Sángana
- Kyúkur fara
- Débaing fara
- Ambari
- Cúndori fara
- Teccóil Touli
- Tambi fara
- Zatéilla gúna
- Mosóinna fara
- Dottóli fara
- Gozzón fara
- Deróm fara
- Zulla Háli
- Náffon fara
- Kikú fara
- Missírid Dheil
- Noya fara
- Cica fara
- Ruccáfor briza
- Uñdhdhi Hóla
- Sáa Farang
- Moic Háli(2)
- Bodur Maar Dheil
Buthidaung township
Bádana Area
Bogoli Area
Fansi Area
[edit]
Bádana Area
Bogoli Area
Fansi Area
Gúfi Area
Gúfi Area
Taungbazaar Area
- Dúmmai
- Firháli
- Emmai fara
- Gáñthi fara
- Ngaraing Chaung
Fundu Farang Area
Buthidaung Area
7 Quarters (City Area)
Upper Part (West)
- Gúfi
- Ngaraing Chaung
- Kínisi
- Dóuin Sarah
Upper Part (East)
- Taung Bazaar
- Emmai Fara
- Dúmmai
- Firháli
- Mínggisi
- Fundu farang
- Soóu farang Cáab bazar
- Hánsamá
- Morong or Sára
- (Púkaung Chaung) ***
Lower Part (West)
- Taimmóng háli
- Láwadong =
- Zobbor fara =
- Moni bil =
- Aliyóng =
- Baggúna
- Abdu Zolil fara
- Azili fara =
- Hárang háli
- Kyazinga fara(Keijápá Kengbrang) West =
- Tong Zóinga fara
- Muic háli
- Raic cíngga fara =
- Síndi farang(Seng Nyingbra) =
- Gudam fara =
- Hórmurá fara =
- Fúhung fara =
- Abu Hor fara =
- Haindá fara =
- Danumiya fara =
- Yong Cóng =
- Kítar bil =
- Záng hamá fara =
- Moidong =
- Sángganá —rathidaung area–
Lower Part (East)
- Kyazinga fara(Keijápá Kengbrang) East
- Sammwá fara
- Lúdaing fara
- Razar bil
- Tétifuk fara
- Sindong
- Rwáingga dong
- Kuaing dong
- Úla Pe
- Cílgañçá
- Zobbor fara
- Kyazongya fara (Thabéik Taung)
- Razar Bíça
- Wacílla Fara
- Dúng Sing
- Háan dong
- Hálsirá
- Khayung Parang
- Ricík Para
- Serók Para
- Fári Fukkul
- Fuimali fara
- Gudar Fara
- Dúdang Fara
- Titúp Fara
- Quin Daung (Rakhine village)
- Nurung Daung (Rakhine village)
- Wari yóng
- Miyundá fara
- Síngdaing
- Segen Fara
- Mottobis fara
- Waá Moggyá
- Kwáic Cóng
- Boli Fara
- Zedi Taung
- Háing Fara (Rakhine village)
- Sainggúdáing
Sindaung Area
Zaditaung Area
Maungdaw township
TaungBru
Boli Bazaar
Ngapúra
Alletengkyaw
Kíladaung
Maungdaw town CENTER area
- Ukil fara ( No.1 Quarter)
- Zañás Gáñça
- Fóyazi fara ( No.2 Quarter)
- Haáñrí fara ( No.2 Quarter)
- Bumú fara ( No.4 Quarter)
- Noya fara ( No.4 Quarter)
- Naitor Dheil( No.5 Quarter)
- Noya fara
- Furan fara
- Lamal fara
- Tin Mail ( No.6 Quarter)
- Sair Mail ( No.6 Quarter)
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
-
Maungdaw town SOUTH area
- Cíddarfara[Myomá Kanyoung Dán](Village track)
- Cíddar fara
- Maungni fara
- Utor fara
- Focír Dhil
- Doín fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Cithílla fara
- Dheil fara
- Doín fara
- Bor fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Morkos or Gúaing
- Hadirbil[Nyaung Cháung](Village track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Plein or math(Leyeng Gwáng)
- Nolboinna[Pándaw Pyin] (Village track)
- Fosín fara
- Bor fara
- Nuwa fara
- Fuk fara
- Kuna fara
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Baggúinna[Baggúná] (Village track)
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Fuk fara
- Utor fara
- Maádáilla fara
- Nurulla fara
- Bodhtholi fara
- Doín fara
- Bor fara
- Fóira fara
- Doín fara
- Mazór fara
- Bor fara
- Fosím fara
- Cáirafara[Dú Yaungbaung Gyi] (Village track)
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Mac fara
- Fuk fara
- Bor fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Gojjon Dhia[Padán](Village track)
- Kúñor fara
- Gojjon Dhia fara
- Híndu fara
- Doín fara
- Bordhil fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Fátonsa fara
- Kíladong[Dú Chiradán] (Village track)
- Fosín fara
- Gúm fara
- Kuna fara
- Mazór fara
- Mac fara
- Antala
- Fuk fara
- Doín fara
- Fúrisi fara
- Morong(Mormor-dhil) fara
- Fútinar Dheil
- Godusára[Godusará](Village)
- Godusára
- Fosím fara
- Fuk fara
- Doín fara
- Sóoilla far
- Nuwa fara
- Dhanggá fara
- Sair Kumbó fara
- Bor fara
- Mazór fara
- Dháng Hála(Village track)
- Bor fara
- Doín fara
- Rabaillá fara
- Boiddo fara
- Kúinna Fara(Village track)
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Fosím fara
- Lamar fara
- Fosím fara
- Lamba Gúna[Zamadáe] (Village track)
- Bor fara
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Sainda fara[Thanda] (Village track)
- Sainda fara
- Hóñr Sára
- Thín Haung Sóra fara
- Sainda fara borfara
- Doín fara
- Fosím fara
- Wárcá(Village track)
- Wárcá fara
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Sómmoinna[Cíngháli] (Village track)
- Dheil fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Gojjon Dhia[Aletenkyaw Kayang Déng] (Village track)
- Bor fara
- Sóhoñddá bil fara
- Hórboinná fara
- Nákkaung Dhia fara
- Háñis Súratá[Aletenkyaw] (Village track)**
- Bor fara
- Dheil fara
- Lamar fara
- Furan fara
- Byuhamú fara
- Moidan or fara
- Hambú fara
- Doín fara
- Hoñijja Bil(Village track)
- Zurfúijja fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Gudóng(Village track)
- Muúmór Dhil fara
- Utor[Zadir] fara
- Zumma fara
- Fóira[Kergwá] fara
- Doín fara
- Bor fara
- Fosím fara
- Bazar or fara
- Góra Háli(Village track)
- Báraingar Dheil
- Góra Háli
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Merulla[Myin-lút] (Village track)
- Cíddar fara
- Zumma fara
- Utor fara
- Fosín fara
- Fuk fara
- Doín fara
- Mazór fara
- Bazaror fara
- Móuriyong fara
- Nuwa fara fara
- Hánnwa Haça fara
- Hóro Toilla fara
- Merulla fara
- Baás Sára(Village track)
- Zumma fara
- Doín fara
- Fosín fara
- Utor fara
- Cítar Furu[Cítar Lokkón] (Village track)
- Zadir fara
- Bor fara
- Fuk fara
- Doín fara
- Kullúng(Village track)
- Utor fara
- Bor fara
- Doín fara
- Ang Dhang(Village track)
- Ang Dhang fara
- Utor fara
- Fosím fara
- Fuk fara
- Doín fara
- Kúaiccóng(Village track)
- Kúaiccong fara
- Bor fara
- Doín fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Borsára(Village track)
- Doín fara
- Bor fara
- Fosím fara
- Fuk fara
- Utor fara.
-
Maungdaw town NORTH area
-
- Haindá fara [Mrúthugyí] (Village track)
- Bor fara
- Furan fara
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Bazar fara
- Sámmoinna
- Razar bil
- Fosím fara
- Étailla fara [Italia] (Village track)
- Zulá fara
- Basua róu fara
- Zan Toilla
- Hóro Toilla
- Éteilla fara
- Lamar fara
- Híndu fara
- Cúzar fara [Shwezá] (Village track)
- Gúnar fara
- Bor fara
- Furang fara
- Híndu fara
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Fuk fara
- Bazar fara
- Fosím fara
- Háyong Háli [Shwezá Képpá Gáung] (Village track)
- Háyong Háli
- Taimmóng Háli
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Acíkka fara [Páungzá] (Village track)
- Acíkka fara
- Dolia fara
- Utor
- Doín
- Boccú fara [Lobbozá] (Village track)
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Arco fara
- Mazór fara
- Bákkagúna (Village track)
- Hoilla báñ
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Bákka Gúna
- Háñir fara [Habi] (Village track)
- Doín fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Nurung Daung [Nwáyung Taung] (Village track)
- Hóñor Dheil
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Quain Cára Bil
- Hawar Bil [Gyikeng Pyin] Nasaka Head Quarter (Village track)
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Bor fara
- Wáhbek
- Monnáma [Maung Nma] (Village track)
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Bor fara
- Amin or fara ** Aminor bazar
- Fóoháli (in Monnáma area)
- Fóháli [Páwe Cháung] (Village track)
- Kunor fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Bor fara
- Fóoháli
- Náing Caung [Ngéng Cóng] (Village track)
- Murar fara @ shiddar fara
- Soidari fara
- Moloi fara
- Gonaw Bidra
- Zinziri fara
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Mazór fara
- tingharjya fara
- Tailya Gona
- Gúna fara
- Ferangfru [Manglagyí] (Village track)
- Hórbóinná fara
- Muncí fara
- Abbascya fara
- Boccú fara
- Bor fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Furan fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Mangála [Mangála] (Village track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Úsolá fara **Úsolá bazar
- Zammoinna [Zam-panya](Village track)
- Balu Háli
- Dargwar Dheil
- Bor fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Fosím fara
- Fuk fara
- Borigga Bil [Re-dwúang Séik] (Village track)
- Borigga Bil
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Sórhoddá Bil [Hla Pu Daung] (Village track)
- Sórhoddá Bil
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Nondá Háli [Thát Kei Pyin] (Village track)
- Nondá Háli
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Nári Bil [Kyáuk Prang Séip] (Village track)
- Nári Bil
- Bor fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Kúla Bil [Thu Oo Hla] (Village track)
- Kúla Bil
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Bor fara
- Cóñço Gouzo Bil [Da Gyi Za] (Village track)
- Gouzo Bil
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Bor Gouzo Bil [Reké Cháung Kwássung] (Village track)
- Bor Gouzo Bil
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Fosím fara
- Tetói Bóinna (Est)
- Bor fara
- Rabaillá Fara [Kyá Góng Taung] (Village track)
- Rabaillá Fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Bor fara
- Zammoinna-1 [Wáng Pyu Cháung] (Village track)
- Zammoinna fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Bor fara
- Sali Farang [Myáw Daung] (Village track)
- Sali Farang fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Bor fara
- Rwáingga Daung [Rwá-Nyú Taung] (Village track)
- Rwáingga Daung fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Raimbágúna [Re Dhúng Chwéng] (Village track)
- Raimbágúna fara
- Bor fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Kyári Farung [Krá Rú Prang] (Village track)
- Kyári Farung fara
- Bazaor fara
- Fuk fara
- Bor fara
- Luti fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Náisa Fru [Nga Sajjyú] (Village track)
- Furan fara
- Bor fara
- Thídh-Dúijjá fara
- Mazór fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Keppru Cóor
- Háñt Góijja fara
- Hañzir Bil [Sabe Gúng] (Village track)
- Hañzir Bil fara
- Fuk fara
- Mazór fara
- Doín fara
- Háñt Góijja fara
- Lúdaing [Dúdéng] (Village track)
- Lúdaing fara
- Bor fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Háñti fara [Láung Dung] (Village track)
- Háñti fara
- Bor fara
- Fuk fara
- Gúnar kule murár fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Burá Cídda fara [Ú Shíng Chyá] (Village track)
- Burá Cídda fara
- Bor fara
- Murát tóuli fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Remmyá Dáung fara [Remmyá Taung] (Village track)
- Remmyá Dáung fara
- Zadi fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Haim fara [Látha Rwa] (Village track)
- Mag fara
- Musúlman fara
- Naffúra [Ngakúra] (Village track)
- Bor fara
- Doín fara
- Utor Fara
- Fuk fara
- Furan fara
- Híndu fara
- Mag fara
- Bazar fara
- Bolibazar [Kring Cóng] (Village track)
- Bazar or fara
- Bor fara
- Fosím fara
- Furan fara
- Doín fara
- Mazór fara
- Fuk fara
- Utor fara
- Mórikkáung [Mraw Cháung] (Village track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Mezam fru
- Rayussor (Village track)
- Sádullar sor
- Balur sor
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Zíbong Háli (Village track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Bor fara
- Hañsar Bil [Attá Furma] (Village track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Bor fara
- Kuwar Bil [Redwáng Prang] (Village track)
- Bazar or fara
- Bor fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Kíyan Bong [Shwéng Páung Sin Oo] (Village track)
- Fuk fara
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Mazór fara
- Búm Boinna
- Hañsar or Dhil [Shwéng Práunk Prúzú] (Village track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Thuúinna fara
- Kwangsi Bong [Kwángsí Bong] (Village track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Bor fara
- Mazór fara
- Furan fara
- Moloi fara [Molobi Rwa] (Village track)
- Ayub sor
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Kuñír Háli [Léikrá ] (Village track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Mazór fara
- Bor fara
- Thuúinná fara
- Balu Háli [Thé Cháung] (Village track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Bor fara
- Mazór fara
- Cíl Háli [Kyáunk Cháung] (Village track)
- Bor fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Mazór fara
- Dúmmai [Dúm Py] (Village track)
- Furan Fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Gura fara
- Médai [Mítáik] (Village track)
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Bor fara
- Fuk fara (Murar Uore]
- Utor fara
- Raimbá Gúra [Ré Aung Shwéng] (Village track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Kuna fara
- Tombru Dendhák [Tombru Láya] (Village track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Bor fara
- Mozór fara
- Gura fara
- Tombru Bandhák [Tombru Láwe] (Village track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Bor fara
- Mozór fara
- Segén fara
- Furma [Áuk Furma] (Village track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Mozór fara
- Tulatuli [Padagá Dewanali] (Village track)
- Tulatuli fara
- Fuk-Utor fara
- Fosím fara
- Doín fara
- Utor fara
- Noya fara
- Gura fara
- Hañsar Bil [Padagá Rwa Tháik] (Village track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Borói toli
- Diyól toli
- Nuwa fara
- Mazór fara
- Gura fara
- Hodom Toli (Village track)
- Hodom Toli fara
- Bor Toli
- Segén fara
- Borói Toli
- Saila Toli
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Cáabbazar [Tamén Thá] (Village Track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Bor fara
- Mazór fara
- Mog fara
- Cóñço fara
- Thíduná Kwáksung (Village Track)
- Mazór fara
- Bor fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Fóira Bazar [Kmáuk Séik] (Village Track)
- Fóira fara
- Bor fara
- Furan fara
- Mazór fara
- Mog fara
- Laingsi fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- That Oo Chaung (Village Track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Bor fara
- Mazór fara
- Kuna fara
- Renáuk Ngáthá (Village Track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Bor fara
- Gura fara
- Kuna fara
- Unthala [Untula] (Village track)
- Unthala fara
- Sailla fara
- Kurub fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Bor Thala [Báuktúla] (Village track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Sali fara
- Cóñço fara
- Hala Défa [Kala Défa] (Village track)
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Salle Taung
- Mazór fara
- Dáijjá fara
- Ráni (Village track)
- Ráni fara
- Fuk fara
- Fosím fara
- Utor fara
- Doín fara
- Gura fara
[edit] Rathidaung township
- Kudóng.
- Ának parang.
- Muzáik
- Dúnsé(Kúdeng Kók)
- Meyúr thek(Angguma)
- Cílhála(Cíngháli)
- Dúmmai
- Zadi Farang
- Zúu Farang
- Praing cóng
- Cérak prang
- Kúdik cóng
- Razar bil (uore/nisor)
- Kíangdong*
- Sámila fara*
- Keppru dóng*
[edit] Kyauktaw township
- Zailla Fara
- Afok (Afok or Dhála)
- Hóndhol
- Fóida fara
- Móring Hóng
- Hotti fara
- Kyaungtaw
- Baás sára
- Lombóiccó
- Ruáiñgga (Rohingya) fara
- Zadi Fara
- Haindá fara [Mrúthugyí] (Village track)
- Cíddarfara[Myomá Kanyoung Dán](Village track)
နယ္စပ္ ၿခံစည္းရုိး ကာရံမႈတြင္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ မ်ားကုိ အဓမၼ လုပ္အားေပး ခုိင္းေစ
ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ ႏွင့္ ျမန္မာ ႏွစ္နုိင္ငံ နယ္စပ္ တေလ်ာက္ ျခံစည္းရုိး ကာရံမႈ အတြက္ ေဒသခံ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားကုိ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ ေမာင္းေတာ ၿမို့ အေျခစုိက္ စစ္တပ္မွ အဓမၼ ေခၚယူ ခိုင္းေစ ေနေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
“မလုပ္မေနရ ေခၚသုံးတာ၊ တရြာကုိ ခြဲတမ္း၂ ေယာက္ ေပးေနရတယ္”ဟု ေဒသခံတဦးက ေျပာသည္။
ယင္းေဒသတြင္ အလုပ္သမား တဦး၏ တေန့ အတြက္ လုပ္ခသည္ ၂၅၀၀ က်ပ္ ရွိေသာ္လည္း စစ္တပ္မွ တရက္ လုပ္ခ ၅၀၀ က်ပ္ သာေပးၿပီး တေန့လ်ွင္ ခြဲတမ္းျဖင့္ လူ ၂၀၀ ခန့္ လုပ္ကုိင္ေနရသည္ဟု ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ အေရး ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသည့္ Arakan Project မွ ဆက္သြယ္ ညိွနႈိင္းေရးမႉး ခရစၥေလး၀ါး ကလည္း ဆုိသည္။
ယခင္က လုပ္အားေပး ခုိင္းေစျခင္း မ်ားကုိ ေတာင္ကုတ္ႏွင့္ အမ္းၿမို့နယ္မ်ား အတြင္း မွ ျပည္သူမ်ားအား ေခၚယူ ခုိင္းေစရာ စား၀တ္ ေနေရး အခက္အခဲေၾကာင့္ ထြက္ေျပးမႈ မ်ားျပားသည့္ အတြက္ ေဒသခံမ်ားကုိ ခုိင္းေစျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္ ဟုလည္း ၎က ဆုိသည္။
“အဓမၼ ခုိင္းေစမႈ က်င့္သုံးျခင္းသည္ တရား မ၀င္ေၾကာင္း ျမန္မာအစုိးရက အမိန့္ထုတ္ျပန္ ထားပါတယ္”ဟု အျပည္ ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ အလုပ္သမား ေရးရာ အဖြဲ့(ILO)မွ ဆက္သြယ္ ညိွနႈိင္းေရး အရာရွိ စတိ(ဖ္) မာရွယ္က Bi Weekly Eleven ဂ်ာနယ္ႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆုံမႈ တခုတြင္ ေျပာဆုိထားသည္။
ထုိနယ္စပ္ ေဒသ တေလ်ာက္ ျခံစည္းရုိး ကာရံသည့္ စီမံကိန္းေၾကာင့္ ေဒသခံမ်ား အေနျဖင့္ ပစၥည္း ဥစၥာ ဆုံးရႈံးမႈမ်ား ရွိေၾကာင္း၊ ေဒသ အတြင္းရွိ ေတာင္ၿပိုေ၀း ရြာသည္ ျခံစည္းရုိးကာရံမႈႏွင့္ နီးကပ္သည့္ အတြက္ ေျပာင္းေရႊ့ ခံရနုိင္ ေၾကာင္း စစ္ေတြၿမို့ခံ တဦးကလည္းေျပာသည္။
“ျခံစည္းရုိးနဲ့ မလြတ္လုိ့ ေဒသခံေတြ ပုစြန္ကန္ ဧက ၂၅၀ ေလာက္ အသိမ္းခံထားရတယ္” ဟု ၎ၿမို့ခံကေျပာ သည္။
ယခုအခါ ထုိေဒသတြင္ လုံျခုံေရးအတြက္ တပ္ရင္း ၅ ရင္းက တာ၀န္ယူထားေၾကာင္း၊ ဘူးသီးေတာင္ အေျခစုိက္ အမွတ္ ၁၅ စစ္ဆင္ေရးကြပ္ကဲမႈ စစ္ဌာနခ်ုပ္ လက္ေအာက္ခံ တပ္ရင္း မ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ ခလရ ၂၃၃၊ ခလရ ၂၃၄၊ ခလရ ၃၄၄ တုိ့သည္ အၿမဲတမ္း အေျခစုိက္ထားေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ထုိျခံစည္းရုိးကာရံျခင္းကုိ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ မတ္လက စတင္ခဲ့ၿပီး မုိးတြင္းကာလတြင္ ရပ္နားထားခဲ့ရာမွ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ေအာက္တုိဘာလ ၃ရက္ ေန့တြင္ ျပန္လည္ စတင္၍ လာမည့္ ၂၀၁၀ခုႏွစ္ အတြင္း အၿပီးသတ္နုိင္ရန္အတြက္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနေၾကာင္းသိရသည္။
ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ – ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္သည္ ကီလုိမီတာ ၃၂၀ရွည္လ်ားၿပီး နတ္ျမစ္ တေလ်ာက္သည္ ေမွာင္ခုိ ကုန္ကူးမႈ မ်ား ႏွင့္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား တရားမ၀င္ ကူးသန္းမႈ ျပုလုပ္ရာ လမ္းေၾကာင္း ျဖစ္သည္ဟု သတင္းမ်ားတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထား သည္။
ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ နုိင္ငံ ေကာက္ဘဇားၿမို့ အနီးတြင္ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္း ၂ခုရွိၿပီး မွတ္ပုံ မတင္ရေသးသည့္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ဒုကၡသည္ ေပါင္း ၄၀၀၀၀၀ ခန့္ ေနထုိင္သည္ဟု ကုလသမဂၢဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ဆုိင္ရာ မဟာမင္းႀကီးရုံး အစီရင္ ခံစာမ်ား အရသိရသည္။
အက်ဥ္းက် ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ၂ ဦး ထုိင္းတြင္ ေသဆုံး
ထုိင္းႏိုင္ငံ ေတာင္ပုိင္း ရေနာင္းၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ၇ လၾကာ ထိန္းသိမ္းခံေနရသူ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွွ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ၂ ဦးသည္ က်န္းမာေရး ခ်ဳိ႕ယြင္းေသာ ေၾကာင့္ ယခုလအတြင္း ေသဆံုးသြားသည္ဟု သိရသည္။
တဦးမွာ ေဆးရုံတြင္ ေသဆံုးသြားၿပီး က်န္တဦးမွာ ထိန္းသိမ္းေရး စခန္းတြင္ ေသဆံုးသြားျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ရေနာင္းၿမိဳ႕ လူဝင္မႈ ႀကီးၾကပ္ေရး ဌာန (လဝက) အရာရွိ တဦးက ဧရာဝတီသို႔ ေျပာသည္။
“ပထမ တေယာက္ကေတာ့ ဖမ္းမိတဲ့ အခ်ိန္မွာ အသက္ရွဴ မဝလို႔ ေဆးရုံကို ပို႔လိုက္တယ္၊ ပုိ႔လိုက္ၿပီးေတာ့ ေဆးရုံမွာပဲ ေသဆံုးသြားတယ္။ ေနာက္တေယာက္ကေတာ့ ဒီလ ၁၃ ရက္ေန႔မွာ မနက္ပိုင္းမွာ ဆုံးတယ္။ အခ်ဳပ္ခန္းထဲမွာ ဘာျဖစ္တာလဲေတာ့ မသိဘူး။ သူရဲ႕သူငယ္ခ်င္းေတြကလည္း မသိၾကဘူး” ဟု အဆုိပါ အရာရိွက ေျပာသည္။
ေသဆံုးသြားသူမ်ားသည္ ယခုႏွစ္ ဇန္နဝါရီလဆန္းပုိင္းတြင္ ရေနာင္းၿမဳိ႕အနီး ဖမ္းဆီးခံရသူ ၇၈ ဦးပါ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ အုပ္စုမွ ျဖစ္သည္။ ၎တုိ႔သည္ ထုိင္းႏိုင္ငံသို႔ တရားမဝင္ ခိုးဝင္လာမႈျဖင့္ ရေနာင္းၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ခ်ဳပ္ေႏွာင္ခံေနရသူမ်ား ျဖစ္သည္။ ရေနာင္းျမိဳ႕ ထိန္းသိမ္းေရး စခန္းတြင္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ၇၆ ဦး က်န္ရွိေနေသးေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားသည္ ျမန္မာ – ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ နယ္စပ္ ေဒသမွ အစၥလမ္ ဘာသာဝင္မ်ား ျဖစ္သည္။ ႏုိင္ငံသားမ်ား အျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ခံရျခင္း မရိွေပ။ ျမန္မာအာဏာပုိင္တုိ႔ ထုတ္ျပန္ထားသည့္ ျမန္မာ ႏုိင္ငံရိွ တုိင္းရင္းသား လူမ်ဳိးစု ၁၃၅ ခု စာရင္းတြင္လည္း ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား ပါဝင္ျခင္း မရိွေပ။
ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတြင္ ၎တုိ႔အေပၚ ထားရိွသည့္ တင္းက်ပ္ေသာ စည္းကမ္းခ်က္မ်ားေၾကာင့္ စားဝတ္ေနေရး ပုိမုိ က်ပ္တည္းလာသည္။ ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ အမ်ားအျပားသည္ ပဲြစားမ်ား၏ အကူအညီျဖင့္ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ ျပင္ပသုိ႔ အရဲစြန္႔ ထြက္ခြာၾကျခင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းလည္း သိရွိရသည္။
ထို႔အျပင္ ျပည္ပ ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားသုိ႔ ေရလမ္းခရီးျဖင့္ တရားမဝင္ သြားေရာက္ၾကရာ အမ်ားစုမွာ ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံ ကမ္းရုိးတန္း ေဒသမ်ား သုိ႔မဟုတ္ မုန္တုိင္း ထန္သည့္ ကပၸလီ ပင္လယ္ဘက္သုိ႔ ေရာက္ရိွသြားၾကသည္ဟု သတင္းမ်ားအရ သိရသည္။
ထုိင္းအစုိးရက ထုတ္ျပန္သည့္ စာရင္းဇယားမ်ားအရ ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံသုိ႔ တရားမဝင္ ေရာက္ရိွခ့ဲသည့္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ အေရအတြက္မွာ တႏွစ္ထက္တႏွစ္ ပုိမုိမ်ားျပားလာသည္ဟု ဆုိသည္။ ၂ဝဝ၅ -၂ဝဝ၆ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ၁၂၂၅ ဦးရိွၿပီး ၂ဝဝ၇-၂ဝဝ၈ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ၄၈၈၆ ဦးရိွသည္ဟု သိရသည္။
ေကာစ္ဘဇားျမိဳ႕တြင္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအား ေမာင္းထုတ္ရန္ RRC စည္းရုံးႏုိးေဆာ္
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး ေကာစ္ဘဇားျမိဳ႕တြသ္ ဧျပီလ ၁၅ ေန႕တြင္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ေမာင္းထုတ္ ေရး ေကာ္မီတီ (RRC) မွ ၾကီးမႈး၍ စည္းရုံးႏုိးေဆာ္ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲ တခုကုိ က်င္းပေၾကာင္း….
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး ေကာစ္ဘဇားျမိဳ႕တြသ္ ဧျပီလ ၁၅ ေန႕တြင္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ေမာင္းထုတ္ ေရး ေကာ္မီတီ (RRC) မွ ၾကီးမႈး၍ စည္းရုံးႏုိးေဆာ္ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲ တခုကုိ က်င္းပေၾကာင္း သိရွိရသည္။
“ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႕တုိင္းျပည္တြင္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ လူမ်ိဳးအား အလုိမရွိ၊ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဒုကၡသည္မ်ား အား ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႕ ေျမေပၚတြင္ အေျခခ် ေနထုိင္ခြင့္မေပးႏုိင္” ဟု ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ေမာင္းထုတ္ ေရး ေကာ္မီတီ (RRC) ၀င္တဦး၏ သတင္းစာ ရွင္းလင္းပြဲတြင္ ေျပာျပေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ အေရးကုိ ယခုလ ၃၀ ရက္ေန႕ေနာက္ဆုံးထားျပီး ေျဖရွင္းေပးရန္၊ သုိ႕မဟုတ္ပါက လမ္းေပၚ ထြက္ျပီး ဆႏၵျပမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ၄င္းေကာ္မီတီ အဖြဲ၀င္က ပင္ဘဂၤါလာေဒရွ္ အစုိးရအား ေတာင္းဆုိ လုိက္ သည္။
အူကီယာေဒသခံ သတင္းစာဆရာ ဟာမိတ္ဒုလ္ေဟာက္ ဆုိ အရ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားသည္ ဘဂၤါလာေဒရွ္ ႏုိင္ငံမွ တျခားသြားရာတြင္ အသုံးျပဳျပီး၊ ၎တုိ႕၏ အလုိဆႏၵ တခုတည္းကုိ ဦးစားေပးျပီး၊ နယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္ တြင္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ၄ သိန္းေက်ာ္ေနထုိင္လ်က္ရွိေၾကာင္းေျပာဆုိသည္။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ေမာင္းထုတ္ ေရး ေကာ္မီတီ (RRC) ၀င္မ်ား လမ္းေပၚတြင္ ထြက္ျပီး ဆႏၵျပမည္ ဆုိလွ်င္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအတြက္ အလြန္ဆုိးရြာႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း၊ ေနာက္ျပီး စခန္းအျပင္ဘက္သုိ႕ထြက္ႏုိင္မည္မဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ကူတူဖါေလာင္း ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းေကာ္မီတီ၀င္၏ ေျပာျပခ်က္အရ သိရသည္။
ကူတူဖါေလာင္း ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းတြင္ လြန္ခဲ့ေသာ ၂၀၁၀ ဇန္န၀ါရီလ မွ စ၍ အစားအစာ ရွားပါးမႈႏွင့္ ၾကံဳေတြ႕ရျပီး မ်ားစြာေသာဒုကၡသည္မ်ားမွာအစားရွာပါးမႈေၾကာင္း ေသဆုံးခဲ့သည္ဟု ၎ကပင္ ေျပာျပသည္။
ဘဂၤါလာေဒရွ္အစုိးရ၏ ကန္႕သတ္မႈေၾကာင္းေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာေသာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား အစားငတ္မြတ္မႈႏွင့္ ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရေၾကာင္းအစုိးရ မဟုတ္ေသာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား၏ ကန္႕ကြက္ရွဳတ္ခ်မႈမ်ား၊ လူနည္းစု ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား၏ေျပာျပခ်က္အရ ဘဂၤါလာေဒရွ္အစုိးရ၏ကန္႕သတ္ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္မႈေၾကာင္း မ်ားစြာေသာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား အငတ္ေဘးႏွင့္ ၾကံဳေတြ႕ရေၾကာင္း၊ ဘဂၤါလာေဒရွ္အစုိးရ၏ ဖမ္းဆီးမႈကုိ ခံရေၾကာင္း၊ မ်ားစြာေသာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ျမန္မာျပည္ဘက္သို႕ အတင္းျပန္ပုိ႕ျခင္း စသည္ ရက္စက္မႈမ်ားေၾကာင္း ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ မိသားစုမ်ား အကြဲကြဲအျပာျပာျဖစ္ေနေၾကာင္း ဘဂၤါလာေဒရွ္ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ေဒသမွ ေပးပုိေသာ BBC သတင္း ေထာက္ Mark Dummett အရ သိရသည္။
အျခားတဘက္တြင္မႈ ဘဂၤါလာေဒရွ္ႏုိင္ငံ၊ ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ၾကိးဌာန၏ အတြင္းေရးမႈတဦးျဖစ္သူ Mohamed Mijarul Quaye ၏ွ သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပြဲေျပာျပခ်က္အရ အေရွ႕ေတာင္ အာရွာ ဆုိင္ရာ ကမၻာ႕ကုလသမဂၢ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား မဟာမင္းၾကီး၏ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအား အသိအမွတ္ျပဳျပီး၊ မွတ္ပုံတင္ေပးရန္ အဆုိကုိ ျငင္းဖယ္ ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ဧျပီလ ၁၀ ရက္ေန႕တြင္ေျပာျပခဲ့ေၾကာင္းသိရသည္။
“၎ကိစၥႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ အေရွ႕ေတာင္ အာရွာ ဆုိင္ရာ ကမၻာ႕ကုလသမဂၢ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား မဟာမင္းၾကီး၏ ကုိယ္စာလွယ္ကုိရွင္းျပခဲ့ေၾကာင္း၊ ေတာင္းဆုိမႈမွာလည္း မျဖစ္ႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း၊တရားမ၀င္ ၀င္ေရာက္လာေသာ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား သူတုိ႕ေနရပ္သုိ႕ ျပန္သြားရမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းရွင္းလင္းေျပာဆုိသည္။
ဘဂၤါလာေဒရွ္ႏုိင္ငံသည္ UNHCR ႏွင့္ ပူုးေပါင္းျပီး ေနာ္ယာဖါရာ ႏွင့္ ကူတူဖါေလာင္း ဒုကၡသည္စခန္း ႏွစ္ခု တြင္ ဒုကၡသည္ေပါင္း ၂၈၀၀၀ အတြက္ အစစအရာရာ တာ၀န္ယူ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနေၾကာင္း ၎ကပင္ ေျပာဆုိသည္။
အဆုိပါ ရွင္းလင္းပြဲကုိ ဘဂၤါလာေဒရွ္ႏုိင္ငံ၏ ရက္စက္ၾကမ္းၾကဳတ္မႈအား အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ သတင္းမီဒီယာ မ်ား၏ ေျပာျပခ်က္အရ၎၊ ဥေရာပ သံတမန္မ်ား၏ သက္ေသထြက္ဆုိခ်က္အရ၎၊ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ အစုိးရ မဟုတ္ေသာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား၏ ဖိအားေပးမႈေၾကာင္းမ်ားကုိ ဘဂၤါလာေဒရွ္ႏုိင္ငံ အေနျဖင့္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳပါက ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအစုလုိက္ အျပဳလုိက္ ၀င္ေရာက္လာမည္ကုိ စုီးရိမ္မႈရွိသည့္အတြက္ လက္မခံႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ၾကိးဌာန၏ အတြင္းေရးမႈက ပင္ ေျပာဆုိသည္။
၎အတြက္ေၾကာင္း အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ အစုိးရ မဟုတ္ေသာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းႏွင့္ သတင္းမီဒီယာမ်ား၏ စြတ္ဆြဲခ်က္မ်ားမွာ အေျခအျမတ္မရွိေၾကာင္း ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ၾကိးဌာန၏ အတြင္းေရးမႈက ဆက္လက္ ေျပာဆုိသည္။ “သူတုိ႕ကုိ ျဖစ္မထားပါဘူး၊ သုိ႕ေသာ္ သူတုိ႕ အလုိက်မလုပ္မလုပ္ႏုိင္ဒါ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႕၏ အားနည္းက် မဟုတ္ဘူး။” ဟု ၎ကပင္ ေျပာဆုိသည္။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားကုိ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳပါက ၎တုိ႕၏ စား၀တ္ေနေရး၊ လုံျခံဳးေရး၊ ပညာေရး ႏွင့္ က်မ္းမာေရးတုိ႕ကုိ တာ၀န္ယူရမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာျပသည္။
ေကာစ္ဘဇား ေဒသဆုိင္ရာ အရာရွိတဦးကမႈ ျပန္၀င္လာေသာ မ်ားစြာေသာ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားမွာ ယခင္ ျပန္လည္ ေနရာခ်ထားေရး စီမံကိန္းအရ ျပန္သြားခဲ့သူမ်ား ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း။ ၎တုိ႕ ဌာေနေဒသတြင္ စစ္အစုိးရ၏ မတရား ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္ ဖိႏွိပ္မႈမ်ားေၾကာင္း၎၊ ဘဂၤါလာေဒရွ္ႏုိင္ငံသုိ႕ တရားမ၀င္ ခုိး၀င္လာေနေၾကာင္း ေျပာျပသည္။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ဒုကၡသည္အမ်ိဳးသမီး တဦး မုဒိမ္းက်င့္ခံရ
ဘဂၤါလာေဒရွ္ ႏုိင္ငံရွိ ေနာ္ယာဖါရာ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဒုကၡသည္စခန္းတြင္ ဧျပီလ ၁၅ ရက္ေန႕ ၁၂း ၃၀ နာရီအခ်ိန္ တြင္ ဒုကၡသည္ လင္မယားႏွစ္ေယာက္အကူအညီျဖင့္ ေဒသခံ လူငယ္တဦးသည္ ၎စခန္းေန အမ်ိဳးသမီး တဦးအား မုဒိမ္းက်င့္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းေကာ္မတီတဦး၏ေျပာျပခ်က္အရ….
ဘဂၤါလာေဒရွ္ ႏုိင္ငံရွိ ေနာ္ယာဖါရာ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဒုကၡသည္စခန္းတြင္ ဧျပီလ ၁၅ ရက္ေန႕ ၁၂း ၃၀ နာရီအခ်ိန္ တြင္ ဒုကၡသည္ လင္မယားႏွစ္ေယာက္အကူအညီျဖင့္ ေဒသခံ လူငယ္တဦးသည္ ၎စခန္းေန အမ်ိဳးသမီး တဦးအား မုဒိမ္းက်င့္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းေကာ္မတီတဦး၏ေျပာျပခ်က္အရ သိရသည္။
မုဒိိမ္းက်င့္ခံရသူသည္ ေနာ္ယာဖါရာစခန္း၏ အကြက္အမွတ္ X ေန၊ ဒုကၡသည္မွတ္ပုံတင္ အမွတ္ xxxx ကုိင္ ေဆာင္သူ ဦး xxxx၏ သမီး မေရာ္ဟီမာ ေဘေဂါမ္ ( နာမည္အရင္းမဟုတ္) အသက္ ၁၃ ႏွစ္ ျဖစ္သည္။
၎၏ အခန္းႏွင့္ မနီးမေ၀းတြင္ ေနထုိင္ေသာ ေဒၚမုစ္တာဖါ၏ ဖိတ္ေခၚမူေၾကာင္း သူမအခန္းမွ ေဒၚမုစ္တာဖါ အခန္း သုိ႕ သြားခဲ့ေၾကာင္း၊ အတြင္းသုိ႕ေခၚျပီး၊ လၻက္ရည္ႏွင့္မုန္႕သာေရစာေကၽြးခဲ့ေၾကာင္း၊ ၎အခ်ိန္ တြင္ အခန္းထဲ၌္ ေဒၚမုစ္တာဖါ၏ လင္ေယာက္က်ား ႏူရ္မုိဟာမတ္အတူ ေဒသခံ လူငယ္ မုိဟာမတ္ ဆီဒိက္ အသက္ ၂၆ ႏွစ္ ရွိေၾကာင္း မေရာ္ဟိမ္မာ၏ ေဆြးမ်ိဳးတဦးေျပာျပခ်ပ္အရ သိရသည္။
အမွတ္မတင္ ေဒၚမုစ္တာဖါႏွင့္ ဒိလ္မုိဟာမတ္တုိ႕ႏွစ္ေယာက္ ပူးေပါင္းျပီး မေရာ္ဟိမ္မာကုိ အခန္းအတြင္းသို႕ အတင္းေခၚသြားခဲ့ေၾကာင္း၊ ၎အခ်ိန္တြင္ မုိဟာမတ္ဆီဒိက္လည္း အခန္း အတြင္းသုိ႕ ၀င္ျပီး မုဒိမ္းက်င့္ခဲ့ ေၾကာင္း၊ ထုိအခ်ိန္တြင္ ေဒၚမုစ္တာဖါတုိ႕ အခန္းအျပင္မွ ေစာင့္ေပးေၾကာင္း ၎ကပင္ ေျပာျပသည္။
မုဒိမ္းက်င့္အျပီး မေရာ္ဟိမ္မာအား ယခုအေၾကာင္းအရာ လူမ်ားကုိ ေျပာျပပါက အေသ သတ္ျဖစ္မည္ဟု ျခိမ္းေျခာက္ခဲ့ဲျပီး လြတ္ေပးေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
သုိ႕ေသာ္လည္း မေရာ္ဟိမ္မာသည္ မိမိအခန္းသုိ႕ျပန္ျပီး ငုိ၍ အေဖအေမတုိ႕အား တုိင္းၾကား ေျပာဆုိခဲ့သျဖင့္ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းရွိ ေဆးေပးခန္းတြင္ သြားေရာက္ေသြးစစ္ရာ တာ၀န္ရွိ ဆရာ၀န္မရွိသျဖင့္ ေနာက္ေန႕ တြင္ ေဆးစာတြင္ မုဒိမ္းက်င့္ခံရေၾကာင္းသိရသည္။
မေရာ္ဟိမ္မာ၏ မိသားစုသည္ ဒုကၡသည္လင္မယားႏွစ္ေယာက္ႏွင့္ မုိဟာမတ္ဆီဒိက္အတြက္ တဲခ္နာဖ္ျမိဳ႕ရွိ ရဲစခန္းတြင္ အမႈဖြင့္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
“ဘဂၤါလာေဒရွ္ႏုိင္ငံအစုိးရ၏ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအေပၚ ယခုႏွစ္ဆန္းမွ စ၍ ေျပာင္းလဲသြားေသာ ကန္႕သတ္ ခ်ဳပ္က်ယ္မူ၀ါဒါျဖစ္လာျပီးေနာက္ပုိင္းတြင္ ယခုလုိ ျပႆနာေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ၾကံဳေတြ႕ရေၾကာင္း” ဒုကၡသည္ လူၾကီးတဦးက ေျပာျပသည္။
အဖမ္းခံရမည္ကုိ စုိးရိမ္းျပီး ဒုကၡသည္ လင္မယားႏွစ္ေယာက္ ႏွင့္ မုိဟာမတ္ ဆီဒိက္တုိ႕ ထြက္ေျပး ေရွာင္တိမ္းေန ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
မေရာ္ဟိမ္မာ၏ မိသားစုသည္ စခန္းတာ၀န္ခံႏွင့္ ကုလသမဂၢဒုကၡသည္မ်ား မဟာမင္းၾကီးရုံးဆုိင္ရာ တာ၀န္ခံမ်ားကုိလည္း တုိင္းၾကားထားေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ မ်ားအဖုိ့ ၀မ္းေျမာက္ဖြယ္
It is very glad to know that nowadays Rohingya refugees who sought asylum in Malaysia since many decades have been resettling to the third country especially to USA.
Now, it is very important for Rohingya refugees to learn English language to prevent unknown difficulties in daily life in Third country. Looking forward into this I have a great idea to add an article in my wordpress for Rohingya brothers and sisters to learn English idioms.
Please do not hesitate to leave a comment if you have any idea on my wordpress.
Myanmar/Islam: State Terrorism in Arakan and the situation of Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh
DAKHA (Bangladesh), 26 Jumada 2/May 29 (IINA)-”Rohingyas have become stateless within the state. The military regime has put up two options before the Rohingya people: either to accept a Barman melting pot and become Buddhist, or migration to alien lands. None of Rohingya could agree to an arrangement that compromises their religious identity. The ancestral land, Arakan is dear and sacred to them. The new form of persecution is increasing every day. It is only the return of Democracy that is likely to break the age-old repressive rule of the Barman over the Rohingyas of Myanmar.”
It is not often you meet someone who tells you that he is from “a people at the brink of extermination.” But the testimonies from refugees in a remote corner of southern Bangladesh, on the border with Burma, justify that assessment. For the Rohingya people, a Muslim minority in northern Arakan State, western Burma, are a stateless people whose very identity is denied.
Arakan, a geographically isolated area in western Myanmar, a mountain range separating it from central Burma, had been an independent kingdom until 1784.It is named by the present regime as the Rakhine state. Two major ethnic races, the Rohingya (Muslims) and the Rakhine (Buddhists) inhabit Arakan. The unofficial total population of Arakan is more than 5 million including about 1, 5 million Rohingyas. At present both the races stand at almost equal proportions inside Arakan. Rohingyas have been living in Arakan from time immemorial. They are a people with a distinct culture and civilization of their own. They trace their ancestry to Arabs, Moors, Pathans, Moguls, Bengali and some Indo-Mongoloid people. Early Muslim settlements in Arakan date back to the 7th century AD.
The Naaf River marks part of the border between Bangladesh and Burma. The Arab traders have been in contact with Arakan since the third century and they had introduced Islam to Arakan around 788 CE. During that time a dynasty, Chandra was ruling the kingdom of Arakan. The Arab merchants carried out missionary activities by spreading Islam side by side with their trade. In the process, a large number of people were converted to Islam. Many of the Arab traders married to local women and settled there permanently. Due to conversion, inter-marriage and migration, the Muslim population grew to large numbers during the subsequent centuries. These Muslims came to be known as Rohingyas, a term derived from the Arabic term “Raham” (God blessing). Until the 15th century Arakan was ruled by a non-Muslim king, Narameikhala, who himself embraced Islam in 1404 and adopted the Muslim name of Solaiman Shah. After the death of last Muslim king Solaiman Shah 11 Buddhism had arrived in the region from Tibet, Mongolia. By the middle of the 10th century, the Mongolian race Barman’s mostly Buddhists had established their of power in Burma proper. During the decaying years of Muslim rule in Arakan a Burman king of Ava, Bodaw Phaya invaded Arakan and gained control of Arakan in 1784. Thus came the end of Independent Arakan.
In 1824, the British East India Company invaded Burma and through the Anglo-Burma war Arakan came under the sway of the British. The whole of Burma including Arakan was brought under the Indian system of Administration. During the colonial rule the British were not interested in the national integration of diverse communities in Burma. On the contrary, those divisions were used for prolonging colonial rule with its policy of “divide and rule”. The Nationalist leader General Aung San convened a conference of all ethnic groups at Pang long in 1947. It was agreed that all states would be given regional Autonomy with the provision of seceding after 10 years of Independence. However, the constitution which was adopted after Aung San death declared that the new state called Burma would be unitary in character, with no Autonomy for the provinces. The constitution caused immediate ethnic insurrection which became worse after 1958, even though, the Prime Minister U Nu had declared Buddhism as the state religion of the country to appease the ethnic groups, as a great majority of them were Buddhists. However their further alienated the Muslims in Arakan who felt more insecure in Independent Burma. The government dismissed many Muslim officers and replaced them with Buddhists in Arakan. An all-out effort was made to transmigrate Buddhists from Burma proper to Arakan in order to diminish the Muslim majority.
After the Independence civil war broke out when many ethnic Nationalities and the communist party of Burma (CPB) took up arms against the central government headed by U Nu. In Rakhine state both Rakhines and Muslims groups formed armed opposition groups who fought against the government. In the late 1950`s when the government started discriminating against the Muslims a Japanese trained Rohingya, Jafar Kawal organized people, calling them mujahedeen. However, against the trained Burmese soldiers the mujahedeen could not last long. Jafar Kawal was assassinated. Many of his supporters were captured and killed. By 1962 the civilian government had also collapsed and the army took over. The military regime abolished the constitution, dissolved the parliament and banned the activities of all organizations. The Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) inflicted heavy casualties on the Rohingya masses. General Ne Win launched a major offensive under the code name of “King Dragon Offensive” against the Rohingya liberation force.
The state Peace and Development Council (SPDC), supreme body of the regime rejects the existence of a separate ethnic group called “Rohingya”. They are not recognized as one of the 135 national races by Myanmar government. As per the rules stated in section 3 of the 1982 citizenship Law, the Rohingyas are not considered to be a National ethnic group and therefore, they are not qualified to obtain full citizenship. However, the family list only indicates names of family members and date of birth. It may not indicate place of birth, which in-effect prevents people from furnishing conclusive evidence of birth in Myanmar as required by the 1982 Law. Thus the theoretical entitlement to citizenship for Rohingyas becomes meaningless in practice. In fact, the 1982 act was specially designed effectively to deny the Rohingyas the right to a nationality because the promulgation of this law took place soon after the Rohingyas who fled to Bangladesh during 1978 had been repatriated. According to a report by Amnesty International this law is certainly discriminatory and is in clear violation of Myanmar’s obligation as a state and a member of the UN to protect and respect human rights without distinction, such as race, color, sex, Language, religion Political or other opinion , national or social origin, property, birth or other status.
The military regime has prohibited the Rohingyas, their rights to freedom of movement and selection of their place of residence within the state. According to the Law, Rohingyas in northern Arakan state must routinely apply for permission before traveling to other villages or towns. However, this law does not apply to the Rakhine population in the same Rakhine state. Travel restrictions have further increased following the outbreak of communal violence in Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine state in February, 2001.Their inability to travel freely, greatly inhibits the Rohingyas ability to earn a living and obtain proper health care. Freedom of movement is fundamental human rights. Upon which other human rights are contingent. Article 13 of the UDHR (Universal Declaration of Human Rights) states,” everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the border of each state.” The sweeping restrictions on the movement of Rohingyas are disproportionate and discriminatory; they are imposed on all Rohingyas because they are Rohingya and not on members of other ethnic nationalities in Rakhine state. They are broad and indiscriminate in their application and as such are unlawful.
Forced labor on infrastructure projects mainly road is one of the most common forms of the practice in Myanmar. But those who can pay a bribe to the authorities can be excused from forced labor. The practice of forced labor prevents the poorer Rohingyas from having sufficient time to earn cash income to sustain them and achieve food security for their families.
The creation of model villages is a unique way of terrorizing the Rohingyas in the Rakhine state. Many Rakhine Buddhits and other non-Rohingyas are relocated to especially established model villages in northern Arakan from other parts of the Arakan state. Others include poor Bama from the central plains, retired civil servants, former prisoners, former insurgents and ethnic minorities such as the Kamein, Daingnet, Mro and Thet, who live in the high lands near the border with Bangladesh and Chin state. There are 26 model villages in Maung Daw and Buthidaung townships. In every model village there are about 100 families. Each family receives 1-4 acres of farm land, a pair of oxen and a house. The farm lands confiscated from Rohingyas. Moreover, houses and other facilities such as schools and health centers, in these model villages are built on the confiscated land of Rohingyas by forced labor by the Rohingya population.
In addition for migrated residents in the model villages and extension of military camps, shrimp farms and rice fields for NaSaKa in Rakhine state have also led to land confiscation. But Rohingyas receive no compensation for the confiscated lands. Land confiscated policy led to a number of evictions of Rohingyas. However, the Burmese government has violated all the international CRC and CEDAW convention despite signed by the Burmese government.
Rohingyas in Rakhine state are subjected to extortion and arbitrary taxation. These taxes vary from collecting firewood and bamboo to fees for the registration of death and births in the family lists, on fruits bearing trees and even on football matches and shrimp tax, animal tax, roof tax, house building and repairing taxes and so on are collected by force. Every new born and death of animal has to be reported paying a fee. The worst form of taxation that has been the heaviest burden for rice paddy farmers. Under this system farmers were required to sell a portion of their harvest at fixed prices to the State Myanmar Agricultural Products Trade (MAPT). These prices are well below the market rate, varying from half to one-eight of the market price. Although the rice tax was abolished in April, 2003 by the government.
By Law any Rohingya has to report to the authority for new birth and death in families with fees. Otherwise a new born baby will never be considered as citizen. There have also reports that since mid-2002 some pregnant women have had to register themselves in person in the nearest NaSaKa camp. According to some testimonies, women were asked to show their abdomens and then they were raped. All these are gross violation of international Law.
Since 1992, the regime has introduced a regulation that every Muslim in Northern Arakan is required to ask for prior permission of the authority before getting married. Muslims living in other parts of the Myanmar are not effect by this policy. However prior permission itself may not be a problem, but what is problematic is that the authorities demand large amount in taxes from people who ask for permission to get married. For some case people have to wait 2 to 3 years to get permission after paying large sums of money. According to UDHR (Article 16): Men and Women of full age without any limitation due to race, nationality, or religion, have the right to marry and to found a family. There are consistent reports of young couples fleeing to Bangladesh because this is the only way for them to get married. Their names have often been removed from their family lists by the authorities. The poor have gone into serious debt to get permission. When they are unable to reimburse their debt, they have fled to Bangladesh. However, when they are in Bangladesh they are merely branded as economic migrants without realizing their unbearable plights. They face arrest or deportation.
In fact, the presence of the UNHCR and UN agencies and NGOs do not provide the necessary safe-guard to the refugees. They cannot fulfill the social, economic, political and spiritual needs of the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. The new arrivals that entered into Bangladesh after September 1992 are not recognized as UN refugees and are not accepted in refugee camps. Nearly 350,000 undocumented Rohingya refugees have entered into Bangladesh. In a report on the plight of Rohingya people to Bangladesh, the International Federation of Human Rights League (FIDH) pointed out that the UNHCR is entrapped in an insane policy, in complete contradiction to its mandate.
“The situation is desperate for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh,” says Lynn Yoshikawa, an advocate with Refugees International who recently returned from visiting Rohingya camps in the region. “They live in squalor and are forced to suffer a litany of abuses because the government doesn’t recognize them as refugees.”
The lack of documentation also makes Rohingya women and girls particularly vulnerable to sexual and physical attacks. Reports of sexual violence against unregistered refugees have increased. “Registering Rohingya refugees would help these people be protected from arrest and deportation and receive lifesaving assistance,” Yoshikawa said. “We hope that the UN Refugee Agency, the government of Bangladesh, and other involved governments can work together to establish a system to register these undocumented refugees as soon as possible.”
For pure humanitarian reasons, I believe it is not only morally right, but imperative, to speak up for the beleaguered Rohingya. Medicins Sans Frontieres (MSF) ranks them among the ten people groups around the world most at risk of extinction. They are in urgent need of humanitarian help and advocacy said Benedict Rogers.
When the Rohingya refugees came to Bangladesh, the local people were sympathetic to them. They helped them through providing cloth, food and even shelter. Over the years, the situation has changed. Nowadays, the relations between the Rohingya refugees and the community people are not warm. The local are becoming unhappy, if not hostile to the Rohingya refugees. The Refugees often involve in disputes and other forms of conflicts with the local people. Some local people argue that the problem of local unemployment has been created by the influx of the Rohingyas. The Rohingya labourers are low paid compared to the Bangladeshis. As a result, the local community is least concerned about the Rohingya refugee problem. All these factors antagonize the local people against the Rohingyas as they confront more hardships in their lives due to their arrival in Bangladesh.
Besides the above tortures, there are many other peculiar ways of violation of human rights in Rakhine state. They are:
(1) Extra judicial killing, summary executions, arbitrary arrest and torture, destruction of Mosques, cemeteries and religious schools.
(2) Abuse of women: the authorities are collecting Rohingya girls from the villages under the pretext of “women development”. There are reports of sexual violations on these girls. For example, on 27th April, 2004 Sajeeda, a twelve (12) years old daughter of Noor Kamal of Kyi Kan Pyin (Kawarbil) village under Maung Daw Township was raped and strangled by a NaSaKa.
(3) Deprivation of right to education: Since the promulgation of citizenship Law in 1982 the Rohingya students are denied the right to higher education. Rohingya students who stood in selection tests and formal admission for various seats of learning located in Rangoon and Burma proper are unable to pursue their studies as they are not allowed to travel. That’s why Rohingya students are to stop their studied.
Following the Nagamin (Dragon King) operation of the Myanmar army in Arakan, more than 200,000 Rohingyas fled to Bangladesh in 1978. This campaign was officially aimed at “ scrutiny each individual living in the state, designating citizens and foreigners in accordance with the law and taking action against foreigners in accordance with the law and taking action against foreigners who have filtered into the country illegally.
After the creation of NaSaKa in 1992, the restriction of freedom of movement and other abuses increased significantly. Consequently, in 1992 a new wave of over a quarter of a million Rohingyas fled to Bangladesh from the end of 1992 until early 1994 an understanding between the Bangladesh government and the Myanmar government reached for repatriation and forcibly repatriated some 50,000 Rohingyas across the border after formal memorandum of understanding was signed between the UNHCR and the Myanmar government in November 1993 the UNHCR established a presence on the ground in Rakhine state to implement the reintegration program and to provide protection for the returnees. Despite the presence of the UNHCR, Rohingyas continue to suffer from discrimination on the basis of their ethnicity and various restrictions and abuses at the hands of the Myanmar authorities. Consequently the Rohingyas have continued to flee to Bangladesh. The exact number of new arrivals since 1996 is not clear but according to a report by Amnesty International they are believed to be in the tens of thousands. The Bangladesh government has been unable to handle the massive of these refugees and has denied these new arrivals access to the refugee camps. It has also not permitted UNHCR to extend protection to them, claiming that they are economic migrants. The mass repatriation of Rohingyas to Myanmar by the UNHCR took place from April 1994 to December 1995. About 25,000 Rohingya refugees are still in the two remaining refugee camps.
Rohingyas have become stateless within the state. The military regime has put up two options before the Rohingya people: either to accept a Barman melting pot and become Buddhist, or migration to alien lands. None of Rohingya could agree to an arrangement that compromises their religious identity. The ancestral land, Arakan is dear and sacred to them. The new form of persecution is increasing every day. It is only the return of Democracy that is likely to break the age-old repressive rule of the Barman over the Rohingyas of Myanmar.
US Congressman Christopher Smith has today (30.9.2010) introduced a resolution in the House of Representatives calling on Burma’s military regime to immediately recognized the Rohingya people “as full and equal citizens of Burma”, and to lift all restrictions on movement, marriage and access to education.
Solution to Rohingya issue lies in Myanmar: US
United States Assistant Secretary for Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration Eric P Schwartz on Thursday said the solution to the Rohingya refugees issue in Bangladesh lies in Myanmar and the voluntary return of the refugees to the country.
“Nobody should be forced to return against their will to a place where their lives and their freedom will be in danger,” he said at a press conference at the American Centre in the city.
“But, voluntary return of Rohingya in large numbers will only be possible when the basic rights of these people will be safeguarded. And sadly today that is not the case,” he said.
“Until such change comes in Burma, the United States will continue to do what we can do to assist the government and the people of Bangladesh to assist the Rohingya,” he added.
Eric P Schwartz arrived in Dhaka on Tuesday on a three-day visit to the country to explore issues relating to Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh and in the region.
During his visit, he met with Rohingya camp officials in Cox’s Bazar, officials of adjoining community areas, members of the local communities, representatives of international organisations and non-governmental organisations along with several ministers and top government officials.
He said the US and other donors would only provide assistance that the Bangladesh government would deem useful.
“Ultimately, decisions on what assistance will or will not be provided will be sovereign decision of the government of Bangladesh,” he said.
He expressed the US government’s appreciation towards the Bangladesh government and its people for hosting the hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees who have fled prosecution in South Western Myanmar.
The regime in Myanmar systematically denies human rights and human freedom of the Rohingyas, he said.
This is a humanitarian problem, which has a political solution, he said.
“Until there is a political solution, it is upon all of us to try and provide assistance to the victims,” he said.
“I think it’s critical for all of us to remember and emphasise that these individuals are guilty of nothing other than a desire to flee repression and create a better life for themselves and for their families,” he added.
The Rohingya child in temporary make shift camp in Bangladesh
Identity Crisis
Rohingyas have become stateless within the state. The military regime has put up two options before the Rohingya people: either to accept a Barman melting pot and become Buddhist, or migration to alien lands. None of Rohingya could agree to an arrangement that compromises their religious identity. The ancestral land, Arakan is dear and sacred to them. The new form of persecution is increasing every day. It is only the return of Democracy that is likely to break the age-old repressive rule of the Barman over the Rohingyas of Myanmar.
US Congressman Christopher Smith has today (30.9.2010) introduced a resolution in the House of Representatives calling on Burma’s military regime to immediately recognized the Rohingya people “as full and equal citizens of Burma”, and to lift all restrictions on movement, marriage and access to education.
Malaysia refugee deal a rare chance to end cruel treatment
JULIA Gillard’s latest offering on refugees, the Malaysia agreement, has been met with some scepticism, but it could be the circuit breaker we need to fix the harsh and costly treatment of asylum seekers.
It is notable that Richard Towle, the regional representative for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, has given qualified approval. Many have forgotten Malaysia’s crucial role in finding solutions for hundreds of thousands of Indochinese refugees in the 1970s and ’80s as a country of first asylum. Indeed, Australia owes a great debt to countries such as Malaysia, Indonesia and Thailand for helping to create the space that allowed Australia and other resettlement countries to process refugee claims in a climate characterised by common sense and practical approaches. Without regional co-operation, it could not have been done.
A false comparison has been made between Gillard’s latest arrangement with one of our neighbours and the Howard government’s Pacific Solution. The latest agreement has been criticised because Malaysia is not a signatory to the UN refugee convention and because of the significant cost. The first criticism is flawed and the second is plainly false.
The possible opportunities in the arrangement are that:
■Malaysia already does some heavy lifting, with more than 200,000 refugees, asylum seekers, stateless and other people of concern within their borders.
■Unlike Nauru, East Timor and Papua New Guinea, Malaysia is a country of first asylum and transit for many asylum seekers.
■The agreement builds on the Bali process, a regional initiative established in 2002 under the auspices of the Howard government.
■In 1998, the UNHCR executive committee recognised that irregular migration, people smuggling and asylum flows are complex matters, but concluded that a return to a transit country such as Malaysia may occur provided there are appropriate safeguards – accepted international standards and effective protection against refoulement.
■Asylum seekers should be seeking asylum at the first place where it is safe to do so, for example Malaysia. If the Gillard agreement helps create an environment of safety for individuals and offers opportunities for strengthening the regional protection system, then that is a good outcome.
■The UNHCR has a fully functioning office in Malaysia that assesses refugee status, and the arrangement with Malaysia could support the UNHCR.
Nauru, by contrast, is not and never was a transit country. It was an island prison that played no part in helping to build a regional solution.
The costs of the agreement with Malaysia are modest in comparison with past costs. Oxfam’s 2007 report A Price Too High: The Cost of Australia’s Approach to Asylum Seekersfound that in the six years since the Tampa crisis in August 2001, Australian taxpayers had spent more than $1 billion to process fewer than 1700 asylum seekers in offshore locations. At $292 million over four years, the deal with Malaysia is much better value for money.
The UNHCR and other agencies have long argued that these issues must be dealt with at source and in transit if people smuggling is to be tackled effectively. Towle recognises the significant contribution this agreement could make to a regional solution, saying this week: ”If it’s a good experience, other countries can look at it and … say … we want to embark on similar or other initiatives under a regional co-operation framework.”
While the overall framework of this agreement may be sound, the detail is scanty. But if it helps strengthen protection in the region, if it ensures people are treated with dignity and respect, and if it means durable solutions can be found more quickly, then let’s work with it.
It is true that Malaysia’s treatment of asylum seekers is far from ideal, and the UNHCR acknowledges this. That does not mean, however, that this agreement should be condemned outright. After all, Australia also has a blemished record. This could be an opportunity to work with Malaysia to tackle issues that exercise us all on protection, detention, trafficking and smuggling. We have shared problems, and only shared responses will pay long-term dividends.
This agreement also opens up new opportunities that many in the non-government sector have long been advocating: strengthening regional protection, helping stabilise populations in transit countries where they are safe, and developing the capacity of regional non-government organisations to support vulnerable people. There could be other benefits – if our leaders act on principle not populism.
So what should be in this agreement when it is finally negotiated? Here’s a checklist for our leaders:
■Explicitly stated respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms consistent with the 1951 refugee convention.
■Clear commitments and operational procedures that safeguard the interests of all parties.
■Explicit assurances that no one will be removed, expelled or extradited where there is a serious risk of refoulement or where they would be subject to the death penalty, torture or other inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment or persecution.
■A clear role for non-government organisations such as the Red Crescent in monitoring implementation of the agreement.
Governments are strengthened when they work with civil society and when both parties can build a position of trust – because both parties should be striving to find decency in action and the protection of vulnerable people in this agreement.
If this agreement is a cynical attempt to push a problem offshore, then it deserves to be condemned – but not yet, because we do not yet know. If it is the foundation stone for a new regional framework, then let’s embrace it as a chance to break the cycle of cruel treatment and destructive public discussion about asylum seekers.
John Menadue is a director of the Centre for Policy Development and a former secretary of the Department of Immigration.
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UNITY ROHINGYA 